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The railway strike

Urged by the Allied Supreme Command, on Sunday 17 September the Dutch government in London issued a call for a general strike of railway employees. The strike was intended to support ‘Market Garden’, an Allied operation near Arnhem that had started earlier on that same day. The idea was that if all train traffic were brought to a standstill, the Germans would be unable to get their soldiers and equipment to the scene in time. That would allow the Allied forces to move faster and accelerate the liberation of the Netherlands, which was expected to be only weeks, or even days, away. However, nothing could be further from the truth. Despite the fact that over 30,000 Dutch railway employees joined the strike, the Germans themselves managed to get trains running before long. The military effect of the strike was minimal. While the Allied forces managed to liberate most of the Netherlands south of the major rivers, northern and western parts of the country remained firmly under German control. Nobody could have foreseen that the occupation – and the railway strike – would last almost for another eight months.

NS continues operations

Towards the end of 1943, the Germans suffered several serious defeats, which increased the likelihood of an Allied invasion of mainland Western Europe. The Dutch resistance movement pressed for consultation with the NS management board on a railway strike, which might be required to delay transports of German troops and equipment. President Hupkes was not overly enthusiastic. He maintained that a strike was a trump card that could be played only once, and that they should wait until the Dutch government believed the time was right. Contacts between Hupkes, the resistance and the exiled government on a possible railway strike were established in February 1944. After the Allied invasion of Normandy on 6 June 1944, the liberation of Western Europe appeared on the horizon. The next day, Hupkes asked for a telegram to be sent to the Dutch government in London, via an underground channel, asking it to formulate its wishes as regards the railways. It was a full month before the government responded, stating that any orders would be transmitted through Radio Orange. Until further notice, NS was to continue its operations on the railways – which were becoming increasingly dangerous. The deportation of Jews, Roma and Sinti also continued; the last deportation train left the Westerbork transit camp just four days before the strike was finally called.

Call to strike

On Sunday 17 September 1944, at 17.45, the Dutch government in London called on railway employees to come out on strike. The government issued the call via Radio Orange. However, as the Germans had banned the use of radios, civilians could only receive radio transmissions secretly. As a result, not everybody heard the call immediately. Deputy President Hupkes was enjoying a game of golf at the time of the transmission and did not learn of the call until he got home. Gustav Giesberger did not trust the call and thought it might be a hoax perpetrated by the Germans. He used a clandestine telephone to call a representative of the resistance, who gave him the agreed code: ‘De kinderen van Versteeg moeten allen onder de wol’ (‘It's time for Versteeg's children to hit the sack). Versteeg was the false name of President Hupkes, and his ‘children’ were all the NS employees. When he heard the agreed code, the board of NS knew that the government's message was authentic and that the railway employees should go into hiding as soon as possible.

Course of events during the strike

After a rather uneven start, the call to come out on strike proved quite effective. Before long, trains came to a complete standstill almost everywhere in the country. Despite the huge number of strikers (approximately 30,000 Dutch railway employees), the Germans deployed their own staff and managed to resume their military rail transports after just over a week. As a result, the military significance of the strike was limited. After the Allies had liberated most of the part of the Netherlands south of the main rivers, the German occupation of the north and west of the country continued for another eight months. It was feared at the time that the Germans would take retaliatory measures against the strikers. The scale of the reprisals was limited, however, although there certainly were railway employees who were arrested or whose homes were burned down. Others soon came out of hiding again, carrying forged papers. Young men mostly went into hiding to avoid being rounded up by the Germans, who were in urgent need of labour to keep the war industry running.

Funding the strike

The reason that the strike could be sustained for nearly eight months is that all those who joined it continued to receive their wages, including the annual bonus. This was financed in part by NS, which had set aside an ‘invasion pay fund’ of 28 million guilders. The remaining amount of around 36.6 million guilders was contributed by the National Support Fund (NSF), also referred to as the ‘resistance banker’. The NSF had acquired the money through the ‘largest bank fraud ever committed in Dutch history’, based on a scheme invented by two NSF leaders, Walraven and Gijs van Hall, who were brothers. The NSF and the NS management board disagreed on the question of who was responsible for paying the railway strikers' wages. Deputy President Hupkes strongly felt that NS itself should continue to pay the wages of its personnel, while the Van Hall brothers maintained this was a responsibility of the NSF. In the end they reached a compromise and agreed that the receipts for the payments should be kept in a neutral location until after the war. In addition, Hupkes was keen to have the railway strike organised through the representatives that he and the NS Staff Council had appointed. Many of those however proved not suited to the task, causing other railway employees and resistance fighters to take the lead in many towns and cities. As a result, there was no central NS leadership to coordinate the strike.

Consequences

The railway strike had far-reaching consequences for ordinary Dutch citizens. The German Reich Commissioner Seyss-Inquart attempted to crush the strike by banning all goods transports by ship. This meant that all transport lines were cut off, threatening famine. Water-borne food supplies slowly resumed after Seyss-Inquart lifted the ban on shipping in mid-October. In the subsequent severe winter weather, however, the rivers froze over and shipping was blocked after all for several weeks. As a result, food stores dwindled by the day, especially in the western part of the country. Eventually this led to the notorious Dutch Famine of 1944-45. In London, the Dutch government kept urging the railway strikers to continue their fight. The railway strike was mainly effective, therefore, in terms of boosting morale against the German occupiers.

Commemoration

On 17 September 1944, it seemed that the Netherlands would be liberated within days. Nobody had foreseen that the war - and the railway strike - would last almost for another eight months. Deputy President Hupkes referred to the strike as 'the greatest act of resistance in history'. Opinions are divided however, and always have been, as to whether the strike really qualified as an act of resistance. After all, it only came about ‘by superior order’ and the strikers would never have been able to endure for so long if their wages had not continued to be paid, with aid from the resistance movement. Shortly after the war, the railway employees - men and women - were praised for their perseverance during the last months of the strike. The NS management board produced plaques, medals and commemorative plates to keep the memory of the strike alive. Others - former resistance fighters in particular - were critical, however.